Genocide in Darfur

Sudan
Republic of the Sudan is the largest country in Africa; it is a sun-scorched land spanning more than 1.5 million square miles (2.5 million km). Vast, flat or semi-rocky deserts dominate northern and central Sudan, with mountainous regions in the far south, northeast, and west (Country reports, 2006). Climate change and desertification have increased conflicts over land and cattle grazing, as arid deserts replace grasslands and fertile areas. Bordering nations Chad, Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Libya, and Uganda are also straddled with the ecological and economic pressures of desertification.

Darfur
The Darfur region of western Sudan borders Chad, Central African Republic, and Libya. Darfur includes three states: Shamal Darfur (northern), Janub Darfur (southern) and Gharb Darfur (western) (CIA, 2006). Darfur is a rocky desert landscape. There is little water, except during the rainy season, when floods ravage the land. During the 1980s, Darfur was plagued by drought and famine, which brought the world’s attention briefly to the region. International aid was too little, too late. Millions of Sudanese starved to death. Recently the International Committee of the Red Cross has aptly described Darfur as “a vast area with no resources to fight over, poor even by African standards, and riven by obscure and complex tensions."

Darfur means “land of the Fur,” referring to a group of Black Africans who traditionally inhabited western Sudan and eastern Chad. The Fur once ruled Darfur as a powerful Muslim state. Nomadic Arabic groups arrived in Darfur between the fourteenth and eighteenth centuries, and they mixed with the Fur and other native African populations (DeWaal, 2006). A modern wave of Arab nomads from Chad arrived in Darfur during the 1980s. They intermarried and generally related amicably with the African ethnic groups already settled in Darfur, including the Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa (DeWaal, 2006; Human Rights Watch, 2006). Regardless of ethnicity, residents of Darfur are Muslim, and most speak Arabic, though their dialects vary considerably (DeWaal, 2006). Many are multi-lingual, relying on Arabic as well as African languages, or creating complex Creole and pidgin dialects.

Before the conflict in 2003, Darfur was home to an estimated 6 million people of a variety of ethnic identities. The main cities were Kalma in South Darfur, Geneina, in West Darfur, and Al Fashir in North Darfur. Each of these hubs has become a center for loosely organized camps, where thousands of displaced people wait to return to their homes and fields. Geneina, near the border of Chad, contains several sprawling Internationally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps.

UNICEF estimates that 3.4 million people (almost 51% of Darfur’s population) have been affected by the crisis. At least 1.3 million children are living in 200 refugee camps. An estimated 2 million people have been displaced within Darfur (Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the United Nations, 2006). UNICEF (2006) estimates there are 170,000 children among these internally displaced persons (IDPs). Some have been displaced multiple times through repeated attacks and the insecurity of IDP camps.

It is estimate that violence and disease in Darfur have killed as many as 450,000 people since 2003 (Timberg, 2006). At least 70,000 Fur, Masalit, Zaghawa, and other African Darfuris were killed between 2003-2004 (Amnesty International, 2004; Joffe-Walt, 2004). It is difficult to obtain current death rates because human rights organizations have been denied full access to investigate. However, it is known that forced displacement, rape, and killing have intensified.
Darfur has traditionally been a forgotten region of Sudan, with its silent but deadly famines taking a back seat to the more dramatic north-south conflict.

Tensions mounted between Darfur and the government in Khartoum during the last few years of north-south fighting and flared toward the end of the peace process. In 2003, rebels from the Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa attacked government targets in response to the “exclusive nature of the north-south peace talks,” claiming that “Khartoum only listens to those who have arms” (AI, 2006, p. 3). The two rebel groups called themselves the Sudanese Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/A) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), and they demanded more protection and less marginalization for Darfur. Among the demands was “full representation in power and politics” in Khartoum, as the rebels claimed to represent the general populace of the region (AI, 2006, p. 3).

The Sudanese government responded by allowing nomadic Arab militia groups called Janjawid to retaliate against the civilian Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa populations of Darfur. The perpetrators rode horses or camels during the attacks, which were often coordinated with air strikes. Sudanese government helicopter gunships and planes support the ground attacks from the air (Wax, 2004). Brien Steidle (2004) has witnessed this assault strategy first-hand, as an observer and photographer. His photographs document the use of Sudanese military helicopters in the destruction of villages in Darfur. This dual assault by ground and air causes disorientation and it has been utilized effectively to scatter and traumatize the Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa populations. Human Rights Watch has investigated “the use of rape by both Janjawid and Sudanese soldiers against women from the three African ethnic groups targeted in the 'ethnic cleansing' campaign in Darfur” (Wax, 2004).

Much of the African population of Darfur has been forcibly displaced or exterminated through the efforts of these Janjawid militias. All of the large villages in Darfur have been looted and burned. Civilian men are slaughtered or castrated, while women and children are driven from their homes, raped and terrorized (AI, 2004). Wells and sources of drinking water are poisoned; pumps and other devices used to obtain water are destroyed. Cattle herds and other belongings are sacked or burned as entire villages and nomadic encampments are burned to the ground. These civilians may or may not have supported the SLM/A or JEM, but they share the same ethnic identity and area of inhabitance, so they have been targeted for violent removal, which continues as of this writing (November 2006).

The African Union has been monitoring the conflict in Darfur. Their role is to observe the conflict and report violations of the ceasefire. The African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) is not instructed to protect civilians or to intervene in conflicts. Only 7,000 forces have been deployed to cover what the media calls an “area the size of Texas,” and this has proven ineffective. AMIS forces have been attacked within and outside the IDP camps, and have been forced to abandon certain IDP camps, including Kalma, due to the violence directed at AMIS officers, personnel, and property. Because of limited funds and staffing, AMIS patrols certain areas only during the day, which leaves IDPs vulnerable to predatory attacks at night.

Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) and Refugee Camps
Conditions in Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps in Darfur are horrendous. There are IDP camps all over Darfur, with large concentrations in Geneina, Nyala (south Darfur), and Kalma. The largest IDP camp in the world is located in Geneina, where the World Food Program has taken over feeding 130,000 IDPs (WFP, 2006). Despite hopes for the return of around 1.9 million internally displaced persons in 2005, they are “becoming more entrenched in the camps that house them” (UNICEF, 2006). Within one year, the number of IDPs registered in Darfur’s camps has doubled (ICRC, 2006).

Security of IDPs in the camps is a serious concern. Janjawid militias, supported by the Sudanese Army, surround camps and forcibly remove people (Refugees International, 2004). In November 2004, Sudanese Armed forces surrounded three IDP camps: Al Geer, Otash and Kalma. They forcibly removed an estimated 6,000-9,000 IDPs using tear gas, shooting and threatening IDPs with guns, raping women and lighting fires in the temporary shelters where IDPs were sleeping at night.

In addition to the security concerns in the camps, IDPs and refugees are experiencing a public health crisis. Due to unsanitary and overcrowded conditions in the camps, malaria, cholera, dysentery, and other contagious diseases have spread rapidly. Oxfam warns of the impending threat of disease, especially during the rainy season when human and animal wastes often mix with drinking water during storms.

Many Darfuris have fled across the border to Eastern Chad, in hopes of escaping the conflict. Unfortunately for the refugees, conditions are no better in Chad since Janjawid began attacks there in 2005. Attacks are common in and around the refugee camps, and the situation in Eastern Chad has deteriorated into a dangerous and desperate state of affair. Security and health concerns mirror those in Darfur; in fact, some people have fled from Chad into Darfur seeking relative safety.

The entire region of Western Sudan and Eastern Chad is in crisis. The refugee and IDP camps are unsafe, unclean areas where disease is easily spread. The concentration of large numbers of unprotected civilians in these camps provide the perpetrators with easy targets because whole camps can be quickly rounded up and killed, raped, or forcibly displaced. It is reported that camps have been bulldozed with people inside, a tactic which makes use of the fact that all the displaced people are contained together within the camps (Steidle, 2005).

Aid to Darfur
The danger of providing aid in Darfur has undoubtedly contributed to the international community’s hesitance to get involved. Janjawid militias have targeted aid organizations, including the International Red Cross (IRC), the World Food Program, and Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF). Service providers have been arrested, detained, attacked, and killed. Rations and medical supplies have been sacked and destroyed. Aid caravans have been bombed and targeted by militia groups. The World Food Program (2006) reports that in July alone, 470,000 intended beneficiaries in Darfur did not receive food rations because of instability on the ground and security conditions. The International Red Cross has been repeatedly attacked and looted, even suffering casualties among aid workers, while attempting the delivery of necessities to civilians. Despite difficulties, the International Red Cross reports that it serves 700 people per day in its public health center in Geneina (South Darfur) (ICRC, 2006).

The World Food Program Humanitarian Air Service has been a vital resource in the delivery of aid, due to the “deteriorating ground security” (WFP, 2006) in the region. Unfortunately, the WFP aid to Darfur is underfunded. The estimated cost for 2006 air delivery of aid is $27 million, but the WFP has only $21.6 million in donations. WFP has been providing survival rations, but due to budget cuts and a lack of donations upon appeal, the rations will be reduced. In areas where there is already rampant and severe malnutrition, people will have to survive on only half the minimum daily caloric intake (1,050 kilocalories/day). Médecins Sans Frontières, stationed in the Sudan since 1979 , warns that the reduction in rations would pose a “serious risk of acute nutritional crisis or even famine” for the region (MSF, 2006).

While continuing services to populations affected by the north-south conflict, MSF responded to the crisis in Darfur in 2003. They provide sanitation, medical care, and survival food rations more than 1,250,000 people in 25 locations, a drastic increase from the 700,000 people served in 2004 (MSF, 2004; MSF, 2006). In May of 2005, the Sudanese government arrested and detained leaders of MSF, claiming that the aid organization had broken Sudanese law by reporting that they has treated 500 rape cases in their Darfur clinics (Human Rights Watch, 2005; MSF, 2005). MSF had refused to disclose the names of their patients to the government when it demanded them. There were reports of over 20 other aid workers who were arrested, detained, or threatened by Sudanese authorities within a 6-month time frame (Human Rights Watch, 2005). Currently, there are 4 programs in Western Darfur, which serve 300,000 displaced persons despite the considerable personal risks for service providers (MSF, 2006). The 2006 budget reflects a 20% increase, and future plans include mobile clinics and expansion of hospital services (MSF, 2006).

UNICEF provides aid to children and their families in the Darfur region, including access to water and sanitation, health and nutrition, immunization, education, child protection, relief and shelter. Unfortunately, there is a serious budget crisis that threatens the future of service provision in the area. UNICEF has only 3.1% of the target budget ($89 million) for interventions in Darfur, which may mean a reduction of services to an already desperate area (UNICEF, 2006).

International Criminal Court
The International Criminal Court (ICC) is the “first permanent, treaty-based, international criminal court established to promote the new rule of law and ensure that the gravest international crimes do not go unpunished” (ICC, 2006). It investigates and prosecutes genocide and other crimes against humanity, and it is an independent international organization (ICC, 2006). The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) referred the case of Darfur to the ICC in March of 2005, and in July of that year, Judge Akua Kuenyehia was appointed as single judge (ICC, 2005).

In his first report to the UNSC, Chief Prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo stated that the ICC had “identified particularly grave events, involving high numbers of killings, mass rapes and other forms of extremely serious gender violence for full investigation” in Darfur (Moreno-Ocampo, 2005, p. 1). Moreno-Ocampo also stated that the crimes under investigation “may fall within the jurisdiction of the [International Criminal] Court” (Moreno-Ocampo, 2005, p. 2). At the time, a list of 51 potential defendants was produced, but the names have yet to be publicly released as of this writing. The Chief Prosecutor stated that “no decisions have been made at this point as to whom to prosecute,” but the ICC would conduct an independent investigation based on the preliminary evidence collected (Moreno-Ocampo, 2005, p. 2). It has been difficult to proceed with the investigation, because the “situation in Darfur is volatile with ongoing violence and attacks” (Moreno-Ocampo, 2005, p. 3). The investigations have been conducted from outside Darfur, which has hampered the collection of evidence.